CHAPTER THREE
DEATH AND BURIAL OF THE HUMAN PERSON
IN THE JUDEO- CHRISTIAN AND ETSAKỌ RELIGIONS
Death is a mystery that has been a part of the human existence. Death ends the temporal existence of a human being on earth. After death, only the rememberance of a person survives in time. In the context of time, death is very uncertain. This makes a lot of people pray and prepare for a happy death. The Jews have a lot of literature on how to prepare for a happy death. Etsakọ people see death as a continuation of life. This Chapter sets out to examine the mystery of dying and death in Etsakọ, Judaism, and Christianity. It is an attempt at the exposition of the mystery of death in Etsakọ and the Judeo Christian religions. The approach is a comparative study. The aim is to find out elements of similarity and dissimilarity in the religions. The objective is to place in context the extent Etsakọ Christian can go in inculturation and contextualization given that Jesus Christ is normative in this exposition.
3.1Concept of death
Death has always been a mystery that threatens human existence. The fear of death is attended by the major questions of manner, time and place of death. How will I die? When will I die? Where will I die? The events of death and the reality of death look so convincing that no one seems to be in doubt that some day, some where, some how the physical life of the human person like brutes will definitely come to an end. Elizabeth Kübler-Rose, a psychiatrist and a world renowned authority and counsellor on death sees death as the final stage of growth. According to her, “Human mortality may not be denied, for death is the common end to all life. To the individual or traditional faith, death is not an end but a transition from one state of human existence to another”. R.A. Moody sees death as “that state of the body from which it is impossible to be revived.”Moody here talks about death only as the demise of the corporeal body.
For a long time it was assumed that the advent of death could be quite easily established. When all signs of life were absent – especially when the heart and breathing stopped – the person was generally regarded as dead. But at an early stage authenticated cases of people being buried alive showed that this test was not sufficiently precise. Modern medicine has developed more exact methods of establishing the fact of death, among them the electroencephalogram, which indicates with completely flat (EEG zero lines) the cessation of any kind of brain activity and therefore the advent of death. But even people shown by the electroencephalograph to be dead have sometimes been revived, as – for instance – in cases of hypothermia or of an overdose of sedatives.
For Hans Küng, dying means the physical-psychological events immediately preceding death, which is irrevocably halted with the advent of death. Dying then is the way, death the “destination.” Walter Schulz a Tübingen philosopher says that
Metaphysics with its ideas of survival and personal immortality lies behind us. For us the biologically oriented idea of natural death is fundamental. The whole wretched situation is owing to the fact that man is also “a being that can relate to it”: If man were an animal or a god, he would have no fear of death. The fact that he cannot cope with death is the result of his nonsensical or – perhaps better- paradoxical structure.
Michael Simpson asked a fundamental question: “Is death simply the end of all that has been achieved in life, or has this some lasting value? Man cannot really bring himself to believe that all he has loved and valued and created will simply be destroyed and lost. That would seem to imply a contradiction within the very roots of man’s being: that all that seems most significant, most valuable, is in fact an illusion, that is, the mocking taunt of ultimate absurdity and destruction. It would seem to make the whole of life a lie.
R.A. Osbourn gives the definition of death as the cessation of life in a plant or animal organism. He says that death of the organism as a whole is termed somatic death; death of a part of the organism is known as local death or necrosis; death of the cells is known as molecular death. Somatic death occurs in man and the higher animals when breathing and the heart action stops and cannot be restarted. When such death occurs, not all the cells or tissues of the body undergo necrosis or molecular death at the same time. Because of this, tissues or organs have been removed from the dead bodies for transplantation. When the vital functions of the body have ceased long enough that their restoration cannot be accomplished, death really occurs. At this time the changes that take place in the human body are: cooling of the body, rigidity of the muscles, clotting of the blood, post-mortem rividity, livor mortis, autolysis, and decomposition (putrefaction). The signs of death are rigidity of the muscles, rigor mortis which is an irreversible change due to coagulation of the proteins of the muscles. It begins from four to ten hours post-mortem and gradually subsides within two or three days. Another sign of death is putrefaction which is the actual decomposition of the bodily substance by saprophytic organisms. It begins within the organs and is accompanied by the formation of malodorous gases. It is obviously the most definitive sign of death. After the end of the soma what next? Osbourn did not explain what happens after death or what gives rise to death in terms of what causes the cessation of the vital organs of the body.
Death thus remains a riddle that many tribes and authors have attempted to find answers to. H. Koster attempts an explanation from the Jewish point of view. Koster says that for the man of the ancient Orient, life and death were not two abstract entities, but two opposing spheres. Death which in Hebrew is māwet was experienced not only spatially as the realm of the dead, but also dynamically through its power. The Israelite did not meditate on death as a physiological process; neither did he describe death as a separation of body and soul in the Greek manner. Rather, he viewed death as the ultimate and undesired weakening and loss of vitality. Only in advanced age did death become acceptable as something natural. Natha N. Glatzer gives almost a contrary view to this position with stories:
There are other stories about what should be considered a truly Jewish approach towards death. There is thus the story of Rabbi Susya who lived up to a great age. For seven years before his death, he was bedridden and in pain, in atonement, it was said, for the sins of Israel. On his gravestone is inscribed: “Here lies he who served God in love, rejoiced in pain and turned many away from guilt.” Just before he died, Rabbi Shneur Zalman of Ladi asked his grandson: “Dost thou see aught?” The grandson looked at the rabbi in surprise. There upon the dying man said: “I see as yet only the Divine Nothing that gives life to the universe.” When Rabbi Bunam was lying on his deathbed, his wife wept bitterly. Thereupon he said: “Why dost thou weep? All my life has been given me merely that I might learn to die.” In the hour of his death, the Baal Shem said: “Now I know the purpose for which I was created.”
M.V. Kamath says that from the above story from Natha N. Glatzer one can infer that for the Jews therefore, there is no fear of death. Death was not considered a calamity to be shunned or feared. Death liberates the soul and there is the promise of the life eternal. He quoted the Kaddish that says “Exalted and sanctified be His great name.” The Kaddish is the Jewish prayer for the dead and was originally intended as a closing prayer at study sessions but because of its reference to the “quickening of the dead” and to life eternal, has become part of the burial liturgy. It summons peace from heaven for the dead and the living. M.V. Kamath uses the Kaddish to prove that death for the Jews is natural.
Igboin Benson seems to have a different view. He says that“The question, ‘what is death?’ cannot be given a monolithic answer as the cessation of biological functions; the tragedy to put an end to other tragedies of life, the disappearance of the soul; the end of consciousness or the disintegration of the body into its elemental components. As intriguing as it sounds, it goes beyond our puny ability to grasp it wholly.Igboin did not really attempt to define death but rather gave a general view of death within the context of the deathbed words in Jewish and African milieux.
Bolaji Idowu devoted a whole chapter to explicate man’s final destiny in his book Olodumare, God in Yoruba Belief. He submitted at the very beginning that “The fact of death is a baffling and disturbing question mark written conspicuously on the face of things. Man has been forced, therefore, since he became acquainted with it, to apply his mind to the question of its origin and purpose.” Idowu did not lay emphasis on the definition of death rather he tried to trace the origin which he ascribed to Iku as the agent of Olodumare to take people away from the earth. He says that
The common orthodox belief is that Iku is a creation of Olodumare: he was made for the specific purpose of recalling any person whose time on earth is fulfilled. When they think of death as ‘dying’, then they describe it as a ‘debt’ – the debt which everyone must pay. This is as much as to say that death is the inevitable and ultimate lot of every person who comes into the world.
Mbiti calls death sleep into an everlasting home. He seems to be the first African theologian that defines death in the context of the living. He calls the dead the living-dead. For him
Death is conceived of as a departure and not a complete annihilation of a person. He moves on to join the company of the departed, and the only major change is the decay of the physical body, but the spirit moves on to another state of existence. Some of the words describing death imply that a person goes ‘home’, which means that this life is like a pilgrimage. The real ‘home’ is the hereafter.
Elsewhere, Mbiti says that
In many myths spreading all over eastern, central and southern Africa, it is said that God sent a message to the first men that they would either live forever or rise again if they died. This message was given to one of the animals to take to men. The animal is often said to have been the chameleon. But the chameleon lingered on the way and delayed the message. Meanwhile God sent another but faster animal, usually said to have been a bird, lizard, or hare, with another message that people would die. The latter message reached people before that of immortality or resurrection and since then death has remained in the world.
Joseph Healey and Donald Sybertz are American missionaries in Africa. Joseph G. Healey worked in East Africa since 1968 especially in Nairobi (Kenya); Rulenge, Musoma, and Dar es Salaam (Tanzania). Donald Sybertz worked in Shinyanga Diocese, Tanzania since 1955. He has written so much about Sukuma culture and traditions for many years. These two Americans co-authored a book: Towards an African narrative theology, (Nairobi, Paulines publications Africa, 1996). These authors discovered so many proverbs and stories about death and its origin. For example: “There is no medicine for death” (Sukuma, Tanzania proverb). According to Healey and Sybertz, the Yao Ethnic Group (Malawi / Mozambique / Tanzania) tells the origin of death with the myth of the chameleon and the lizard:
When God had finished creation, he wanted to send people an important message. He called the chameleon to go and tell them that after death they will return to life. The lizard had eavesdropped. However, she had misunderstood what the chameleon was told. She ran quickly to tell people what she thought she had heard God say: “After death there is no return.” The agile lizard had long reached the people when the chameleon was still on his way. People thought the lizard’s message was natural and a matter of fact. When at last the chameleon arrived and delivered God’s message, people ridiculed him and said: “You stupid chameleon, we already know that we are all going to die and that death is the end of everything.
Joseph Healey and Donald Sybertz discovered also that in the Maasai Ethnic Group there was no death in the beginning. The origin of death myth of Leeyio’s mistake is the story of how death came into the world.
There was once a man known as Leeyio who was the first man that Naiteru-kiop (literally “the bringer of the earth”)brought to earth. Naiteru-kiop then called Leeyio and said to him: “When a person dies and you dispose of the corpse, you must remember to say, ‘person die and come back again, moon die and remain away.’ Many months elapsed before anyone died. When in the end, a neighbour’s child died, Leeyio was summoned to dispose of the body. When he took the corpse outside, he made a mistake and said: “Moon die and come back again, person die and stay away.” So after that no person survived death. A few more months elapsed, and Leeyio’s own child went “missing.” So the father took the corpse outside and said, “Moon die and remain away, person die and come back again.” On hearing this Naiteru-Kiop said to Leeyio: “You are too late now for, through your own mistake, death was born the day when your neighbour’s child died.” So that is how death came about, and that is why up to this day when a person dies, he or she does not return, but when the moon dies, it always comes back again.
Joseph Healey and Donald Sybertz narrate so many other stories like that of members of the Hangaza Ethnic group in North-western Tanzania of the story of the old woman who portrays death as a punishment. Another myth is the Kongo Ethnic Group about the origin of death.
In the beginning God (Nzambi) created a man and a woman. The woman’s name was Ya Ndosimau. The first man and the first woman conceived a child. Then God gave this prohibition: “If the child dies, do not bury it. Lay it in a corner of the house and cover it with wood. After three days it will rise up.” They didn’t believe God. The child died. They buried the body. Then God came and said: “I told you not to bury the child. You buried it. Therefore, all your descendants will be subject to sickness and death since you transgressed against my instructions.” So it is that, if they had not buried the child, everything would have been different. We would have died, but, just as the moon dies and later comes back again, we also would have had life again.
The Igbo of Nigeria has similar stories about the origin of death. Luke Nnamdi Mbefo gives the following narrative:
In Igbo mythology, a delegation from the Igbos to God had failed to lobby for immortality. The frog has ever been hated by the Igbos because it succeeded in arguing for death for humans before God’s court. Since God’s decree is irrevocable, people have still to continue to live in such a way as to find meaning in the time allotted them even though they know they will certainly die.
All these stories show that the human person is always in search of the mystery surrounding death and eternal life. These stories also show that humanity is one. Joseph Healey and Donald Sybertz use all these stories to teach how the gospel can be interpreted within the context of the African people. These stories can help a lot in understanding the prehistory of the first eleven books of Genesis in the Judeo -Christian religion.
The above analysis seems to create fear in the heart of the human person. The early thinking of the Jews sees death as a total annihilation because they did not believe in life after death and the resurrection. It was the Maccabean history and the Wisdom literature that first emphasized the teaching of another life and the resurrection from the dead. This became the central point of the teaching of Jesus Christ From the very beginning, the Etsakọ people see the dead and the living as still belonging to the same family. Death for the Etsakọ thus becomes a transition to Alimhi’afemha or Ọgbanakido. Alimhi’afemha literarily means the Spirit world of our people while Ọgbanakido is rendered in Avhianwu as Oba za lẹ ora enwẹ that is, “a place where the firewood is not identified in the ashes”. Ọgbanakido also means a perfect market from where no one ever returns.
3.2Dying and death in Judaism
The origin of death among the Jews is traced to the fall of the primal parents Adam and Eve. The Genesis account says that: “then Yahweh God gave the man this command, ‘You are free to eat of all the trees in the garden. But of the tree of the knowledge of good and evil you are not to eat; “for, the day you eat of that, you are doomed to die” (Gen 2, 16-17). For the Jews therefore it is the sin of disobedience that brought about death. The question one needs to ask here is: “was God talking about physical demise of the body or a spiritual separation from the creator?”
This question is relevant because when Adam and Eve actually ate the forbidden fruit they did not drop dead immediately. Did God lie or he did not mean what he said? God’s divine excellence forbids us to think that he can lie. This is why we need to inquire and see if we can understand the nature of death whether it is physical or spiritual death. Physical death is the termination of life. That is, the cessation of the vital organs of the body while spiritual death is the lack of union and separation of the creature from the source and author of life. Again it may be that God’s mercy and patience was seriously exercised here. No matter how we reflect on this verse, the author agrees that Adam and Eve eventually died. Another message from this passage is that disobedience is the root and origin of death. According to J. Neusner
In the plot of the story these verses contain what may be called the contract of employment which God as the owner of the garden hands to the man as he takes over his task of tending and guarding it. His remuneration is the fruit with which the garden abounds, but there is one tree in the middle of it from which he is told he must not eat on pain of death. A condition is placed upon his freedom of action.
Another meaning we can deduce from the command and threat of death is that real death is separation from God. It is only God that can satisfy and give man full contentment. The expulsion of man from God’s presence is a painful death. Now man will labour for his bread and the woman will labour to bring forth children. Then Yahweh God said: ‘see, the man has become like one of us, with his knowledge of good and evil. He must not be allowed to stretch his hand out next and pick from the tree of life also, and eat some and live for ever. So Yahweh God expelled him from the Garden of Eden, to till the soil from which he had been taken. (Gen 3, 22-24)
God therefore is the author of life and death. The Psalmist believes that death is the action of God: “You turn your face away, they suffer; you stop their breath; they die and revert to dust. You give breath, fresh life begins, you keep renewing the world” (Ps 104, 29). “What man can cling to life and not see death? Who can evade the clutches of Sheol (Ps 89, 48)? “Our days dwindle under your wrath; our lives are over in a breath. Our life lasts for seventy years, eighty with good health, but they all add up to anxiety and trouble then we are gone (Ps 90, 9-10).
These passages are references to the original punishment for man’s disobedience in Genesis: “For dust you are and to dustyou shall return” (Gen 3, 19). It is in the interpretation of the significance of death that faith figures, and in the thought of what follows death. It is the end of man’s existence, a terminus beyond which nothing lies. This also gives the impression that man was mortal before the fall. The condition for life in paradise is to keep God’s commandment. Disobedience definitely brings about death. Freedom for man is conditioned on his obedience to God: “You may freely eat of every tree of the garden but of the tree of the knowledge of good and evil you shall not eat” (Gen 2, 16). This also means that man was warned from the very beginning against avarice and greed. He was admonished to be content with what he has and who he is. It perhaps follows again that man’s inordinate passion for insatiability is a result of his disobedience that culminated in death. “Then Yahweh God said, ‘Now that man has become like one of us in knowing good from evil, he must not be allowed to reach out his hand and pick from the tree of life too, and eat and live for ever” (Gen 3, 22-23). Yahweh said, ‘My spirit cannot be indefinitely responsible for human beings, who are only flesh, let the time allowed each be a hundred and twenty years (Gen 6, 3). Views of death in the Hebrew Bible especially the Second Temple Jewish texts, and the New Testament vary widely. Death is seen as both natural and unnatural. Death is described as a result of sin”. There are many tribes even in Africa who believe that death must be caused by some kind of disobedience. For instance, A. Closs says that
In many regions of Africa, even the death of the elderly is regarded as so unnatural that in order that the cause of death may be determined, the corpse is opened, and the cessation of life in the organs is ascribed to the work of a Vampire-like creature, which the Mande (an African tribe) call the Subaga. But even in such cases, an event at the very beginning of mankind is assumed to have occurred, is thought to have been introduced from the outside either by a serpent or by a trickster-like opponent of the Creator, or the coyote or raven, or by some other creature. In Australia, the bat is looked upon as the death bringer. But guilt is ascribed also to the envy and ill-will in the first family or for the neglect of the ablution that he had been ordered to perform. This idea is reported to have been held by tribes in Tierra del Fuego.
Like so many stories in Africa, it is important to know that the Genesis account is a revealed myth to teach about reality, especially creation and the origin and end of life. According to John C.L. Gibson, It is quite inconceivable that in an unlettered society like that of ancient Israel these chapters could have had their origin in some Hebrew equivalent of our universities or book institutes. They must have begun as folk tales. In ancient Israel ordinary people did not go to school or college but taught themselves and their children by the only means available to them, namely the stories they told to each other around the fireside at home or at their various social and religious gatherings. In other words, they put into their stories not only what amused and entertained them but important matters of philosophy and culture as well. As we now have the stories in Genesis, they have been revised, sometimes a little, sometimes a lot, by the scribes or “re-tellers” who gave them their written form and eventually made up a Bible out of them.
The crucial insight being put across here is not, then, that Genesis is “myth” a definition that raises more objections than it removes – but that God in his wisdom chose to begin the revelation of himself to mankind not in our own age when people think “scientifically”, but in an age three thousand years and more ago when they thought about certain matters in the form of imaginative stories.
3.2.1 Preparation for death among the Jews:
At a point in the history of the Jewish people, the fact of death was so real to them that they have to prepare for their final exit from the physical world. This preparation above all is the radical confrontation of the family not with the distribution of material possessions but with ethical instruction. The Patriarch Isaac, recognizing that his days were numbered, called his first born to him. He charged Esau; “So I may give you my blessing before I die” (Gen 27). Joseph took his two sons Ephraim and Manasseh to the bedside of Grandfather Jacob so that they might receive his blessing. Jacob then called his twelve sons to him and pronounced his ethical will. Innumerable parents throughout the ages have similarly instructed their children regarding family unity, loyalty to religious traditions and ethical imperatives before they died. My mother, Veronica Aleabu did the same to us before she died on the 15th of December, 2006.
Elizabeth kübler-Rose says that each of these procedures involves repentance, confession, the ordering of one’s material affairs, the blessing of family, and ethical instruction. All these take account of the theological, practical and emotional needs of the terminal patient. They enable the patient to express fears, find comfort and inner strength, and communicate meaningfully with those close to him.
The first stage in the preparation for death is the Mitzvah of Bikkur Cholim. This in Hebrew is the visitation of the sick and terminally ill patient. Contemporary programmes to alleviate the distress of terminally ill and dying patients are very much in consonance with the teachings of the Jewish tradition which stress the normalcy of these events of the life cycle. The patient’s emotional equilibrium is maintained, with the continued support of family and community, who perform the mitzvah of “Bikkur Cholim”. This visitation of the sick is nurtured by their religious tradition. When death, the natural end of human existence, inevitably does come it is accepted as the decree of human mortality by the Eternal and Righteous Judge.
Shechiv Mera is the period of terminal illness while Goses is the dying moment. Jewish tradition confronts death directly and specifically. The Jews revere this period as a time when loved ones should surround, comfort, and encourage the patient.” Hallacha, the Jewish legal system, forbids that dying patients should be left alone. The dying person must be treated as he was always treated, as a complete person capable of conducting his own affairs and able to enter fully into human relations even unto death. Further, the Jewish tradition of not leaving the bedside of the dying is of immense value, not only to the dying person but also to those about to be bereaved. How helpless and how guilty we must feel when we hear of the death of a loved one, especially if no one was there to ease the fear of uncertainty and the pain of separation.
Chockmah is the acceptance of death as God’s will. When death eventually occurs, the Jew accepts it as the will of God. However, the major concern is not the dead but the bereaved and so the Jews have the rite of mourning which they called Chockmah (Wisdom). This wisdom in the bible means, doing what is right in each situation. It is in this sense that the Jewish perspectives on death and the Jewish mourning practices are wise. They are wise because they provide a total framework within which man learns to accept death, to mourn completely, and to live again fully. When the family and community are faced with the prospect of the death of one of its members, Jewish law reminds us that “a dying man is considered the same as a living man in every respect”.
The bedside vigil serves one more purpose. As death approaches, a crisis of faith occurs as the life-cycle draws to an end. A personal confession is encouraged from the dying as a rite of passage to another phase of existence. This confession in Hebrew is called Teshuvah. This type of confession occurs throughout the Jewish life cycle whenever one stage has been completed. So we confess on the Day of Atonement as we end one year of life and begin another. So brides and grooms traditionally confessed and fasted on their wedding day for they sensed that it marked the end of one stage in their lives and the beginning of another. The confession on the death-bed is the recognition of the ending cycle and the beginning of another. This together with the recitation of the Shema in the last moments before death helps to affirm faith in God precisely when it is most challenged and helps the dying person focus on those most familiar rituals of his life just at the moment when he enters the most mysterious and unknowable experience of his life. This comforts him together with those who share his vigil.This is in harmony with psychiatric literature which abounds with examples of the fearful consequences of death-denial and repression of grief. The Talmudic sages, centuries ago, seemed to have sensed the same truth that psychiatrists now articulate, which is that “the recognition of death is a necessity for continuing life (and grief), is a necessary process in normative psychological functioning.”
3.2.2The funeral rites of the Jews:
Among the Jews, burial is the principal duty of the first son of the dead man. “When Abraham had breathed his last, dying at a happy ripe age, old and full of years, he was gathered to his people. His son Isaac and Ishmael buried him in the cave of Machpelah facing Mamre, in the field of Ephron, the Hittite, son of Zohar (Gen 25, 8 – 10). When Isaac died at the age of one hundred and eighty years, “his sons Esau and Jacob buried him (Gen 35, 29). The funeral of Jacob was extra-ordinary because Joseph played the role of a first born whereas he was not. This prominent role seems to be an exception because it was a combination of the Egyptian and Jewish rite. The situation of Jacob’s children and the privileged position of Joseph must have also contributed to this exception.
At this, Joseph threw himself on his father’s face, covering it with tears and kisses. Then Joseph ordered the doctors in his service to embalm his father. The doctors embalmed Israel, and it took them forty days, for embalming takes forty days to complete. The Egyptians mourned him for seventy days….Joseph went up to bury his father, and with him went all Pharaoh’s officials, the dignitaries of his palace and the dignitaries of Egypt as well as all Joseph’s family, his brothers and his father’s family. On arriving at Goren-ha-Atad, which is across the Jordan, they held a long and solemn lamentation, and Joseph observed seven days’ mourning for his father. When the Canaanites, the local inhabitants, witnessed the mourning at Goren-ha-Atad, they said, ‘This is a solemn act of mourning by the Egyptians, which is why the place was given the name Abel-Mizraim – it is across the Jordan. His sons did what he had ordered them to do for him. His sons carried him to Canaan and buried him in the cave in the field of Machpelah, facing Mamre, which Abraham had bought from Ephron the Hittite as a burial site of his own. Then Joseph returned to Egypt with his brothers and all those who had come up with him to bury his father (Gen 50, 1-14).
Tobit summoned his son Tobias and told him “When I die, give me an honourable burial” (Tob 4, 1). Tobit also advised Tobias regarding the mother: “Remember my child, all the risks she ran for your sake when you were in her womb. And when she dies, bury her at my side in the same grave (Tob 4, 2-3; 6, 15; 14, 10). Funeral rites in the Old Testament are known only from casual allusions. Hebrew law prohibits some practices, such as shaving the head and incisions of the body (Deut 14, 1) and food offering for the dead (Deut 26, 14). Contact with the dead rendered a person unclean and was not permitted to the priests (Lev 21, 1).
The dead were mourned by ritual lamentation. Because of the climate of the Near East, there was no practice of preservation of the body of the dead such as Egyptian mummification. This made early burial imperative, and it was usually done on the same day. A number of tokens of mourning are mentioned in the Old Testament: the rending of garments (2 Sam 1, 2; 3, 31; 15, 32); the wearing of sackcloth (2 Sam 3, 31); or other mourning garments (Ezek 26, 16; 2 Sam 14, 2) the smearing of dust on the head (2 Sam 1:2) ;the covering of the head (2 Sam 15, 30); walking bare foot (2 Sam 15, 30) and wearing the hair loose (Lev 10, 6)
At interment, the usual position of the body was supine, as in our burials; in early burials the bodies were sometimes interred with the knees drawn up to the chin. This has been thought to imitate the position of the foetus in the womb; it is possible also that it was no more than an economy of space. Only infants have been found buried in jars which were immured in walls or in the foundations of houses, with a few exceptions, and this type of burial is limited to the early periods.
Burial took place if possible on the day of death, and in the Old Testament times no preparation of the body was made as far as we know. In the New Testament, the body was washed (Acts 9:37) and anointed with ointment and spices (Mark 16, 1; Luke 16, 56; John 19, 39). All four Gospels mention the wrapping in linen, but only John mentions othonia that is the addition of spices to perfume his body. “They took the body of Jesus and bound it in linen clothes with the spices, following the Jewish burial custom” (John 19, 40); and a handkerchief over the face. The nature of the wrapping is not clear; the word used by John suggests that the body was wound in linen bands. A similar word (keiria) is used of Lazarus (John 11, 44) and such binding is further suggested by Jesus’ command to untie him. Burial was granted even to criminals after execution, and privation of burial was a great curse (Deut 28, 26; 1 Kgs 21, 23; 2 Kgs 9, 36; Isa 34, 3; 66:24; Jer.7, 33; 14, 16; 16, 4; 19:7; 22, 19; 25, 33) The gospel account of the burial of Jesus, relates that the body was washed, anointed, and bound tightly in linen. The Jews encourage very simple burial. The simplicity of the Jewish burial averts another psychological pitfall. The religious prescription for plain unadorned simple coffins and for the avoidance of ostentation in the funeral itself serves as a deterrent to the excessive expenditure of family funds for irrational reasons. This is similar to the Islamic funeral rites.
The members of the family physically take part in the interment of the deceased. Burying the dead by actually doing some of the shoveling themselves helps the mourners and the mourning community to ease the pain of parting by performing one last act of love and concern. What more familiar and poignant act is there than that of “putting to rest” as children are put to rest at night by their parents.
3.2.3 K'riah
The most striking Jewish expression of grief is the rending of garments by the mourner prior to the funeral service. The rending is an opportunity for psychological relief. It allows the mourner to give vent to his pent-up anger and anguish by means of a controlled, religiously sanctioned act of destruction. The period of mourning is mentioned as thirty days for Moses (Deut 34, 8) and seven days fast for Saul and Jonathan (1 Sam 31, 13) Judaism opposes repression of the emotions and enjoins the mourner to express his grief and sorrow openly.
This rite consists of tearing a visible portion of clothing (lapel, pocket, or collar, for example) the torn garment is worn throughout the 7-day mourning period (shivah). In many communities the mourner wears a black ribbon. The ribbon is cut in the manner outlined above instead of cutting the garment. The tearing for parents is on the left side over the heart and for all other relatives on the right side.
This could explain the tearing of the curtain in the temple from top to bottom when Jesus died. It could be a symbol of the action of God the Father tearing his robe at the death of Jesus, his only begotten son. In the funeral itself there are several other signals for the full outpouring of grief. The eulogy is intended to make the mourner aware of what he has lost Traditionally, its function was to awaken tears.
The familiar pattern of prayer now has a heart-rending newness, as the El Maley Rachamim, (funeral oration) heard so many times before, is recited this time with the name of the dead for the first time. At the cemetery the recitation of the Kaddish stirs the memories of all who have mourned, and they join in collective sorrow together with the newly bereaved to affirm God’s will and glory. Kaddish in Hebrew means doxology. It is the prayer in praise of God and it is recited at the end of principal sections of Jewish service….The prayer is characterized by eschatological emphasis and hope for the speedy advent of the messiah. It is also recited by mourners.
There is indication offering on the tomb of the dead in Ecclesiasticus 30, 18. This may not be the rule but it is an indication that this rite must have happened among the Jews. Returning from the cemetery the mourner finds a “meal of recuperation” waiting for him. The meal serves several purposes. First, it is a visible sign of communal solidarity reassuring the mourner that he is not alone and that others stand ready to help him even if the one who helped him in life until now is gone. Second, it restates the theme of life and forces the mourner to recognize that his life must still go on.
Between the time of death and the funeral, an onen, that is(an immediate family member of the deceased) is exempt from the performance of all affirmative religious obligations, such as reciting the three daily services during aninut, that is (the period from death to burial). At this time the onen is forbidden to drink wine, eat meat or indulge in luxuries. If aninut should occur on a Shabbat or a festival, the onen is permitted to eat meat and drink wine and is obliged to fulfil all (the divine or Rabbinic commandment incumbent to be fulfilled by Jews except sexual obligations with a spouse. The reason for these proscriptions is twofold. First is the principle that the bereaved is obliged to attend to the needs of the deceased. There should be nothing to distract someone from these obligations. Second, it is considered a breach of K'vod Ha-Met, that is, (respect for the deceased) to do anything but attend to the deceased. Hence, a mourner is not required to perform religious obligations. The solace and comfort derived from prayer and the performance of mitzvot would suggest that we should encourage such observances. The laws of aninut, as well as all the laws of mourning, apply to the seven specific relatives: spouse, father and mother, son and daughter, brother and sister.
3.2.4 The week of the shivah: With that first meal, there begins the week of the shivah. The shivah brings the mourners together to retell and relive their experiences of the death and to share once again the memories from the past when the family circle was whole. Judaism recognizes that there are levels and stages of grief and so it organizes the year of mourning into three days of deep grief, seven days of mourning, thirty days of gradual readjustment, and eleven months of remembrance and healing. Thus the mourner is drawn forth from his temporary isolation to increasingly larger personal and communal responsibilities and involvements until by the end of the year, he will be reintegrated into the community and his loss has been accepted, though not forgotten.
The Jewish tradition, seasoned by centuries of experience in suffering and surviving, provides a network of ways in which to affirm life in the face of death. It is a tradition that contains the wisdom which enables us to express our grief, to strengthen our family and community ties, to honour God, and to accept his will. Elizabeth kübler-Rose cited Rabindranath Tagore’s poem as follows:
On the day when death will knock at thy door
What wilt thou offer him?
I will set before my guest the full vessel of my life.
I will never let him go with empty hands.
3.2.5 Summary of the Burial Rites of the Jews
To conclude the exposition of the funeral rites of the Jews, we can summarize all we have said about the Jewish funeral rites as follows:
3.3 Dying and Death in Etsakọ
Death in Etsakọ is called egwi. It is a dreaded phenomenon that terminates life on earth. In Etsakọ, a person is certified dead at the cessation of cardiac function. Once a person stops breathing the person is arranged properly and neatly on the bed to avoid any form of stiffness in any part of the body. In the past, children were sent out of the environment in order not to see the corpse. Ordinarily, Etsakọ people do not like to discuss death. The Etsakọ people describe death as the mighty evil storm that does not wait for the child to remove clothes from the line- Egwi lọ kho’ kpamẹ ọbe nọ zọ ‘mọ na ne ma ato re. For the Etsakọ people, death is a transition into the ancestral world, Ọgbanakido or Alimhi’afemha. Death is personified as “olimhi obe”meaning a terrifying ghost. Death is feared because of its suddenness. When, where and the how of death is shrouded in a deep mystery.
The reaction to death varies according to individuals and communities. This reaction is influenced by the traditional belief of the individual or community. For the Etsakọ people of Edo state of Nigeria, every death has a cause. So there is distinction between natural and unnatural death. The former refers to an elder while the latter refers to a youth. The causes and agents of unnatural death are attributed to the machination of the witches, wizards, and evil people. The wrath of the deities and ancestors can also cause premature death.
According to one of the Etsakọ mythologies, the original intention of God was that human beings would live forever. Consequently, God was very close to human beings. The sky was very close to the earth and from the sky human beings got their food. There was no labour of any kind. All one needed to do was to cut bread ẹko from the sky. However there was a rule that one must finish the quantity to prevent rats from eating from it. This rule was disobeyed by a woman called Ọvhabumhẹ who cut more than she could eat. The remnant was eaten by rats. God was angry and went far away into the sky. When the people pleaded for forgiveness they were asked to choose between eternal suffering from starvation and temporal suffering that would end in death after which human beings will find rest.
The people because of the distance of “Osi” (the transcendent God) asked the dog to run to heaven and tell God that they would prefer to die but that a home should be provided for human beings who die. Secondly, that people who have died should have the opportunity to come back in the form of reincarnation after a moment of rest. Finally, human beings should be allowed to live up to a hundred years before they die. The dog, agwa did not deliver the message well; instead it reported to God that Human beings wanted to die and never come back. God out of his own discretion chose death for human beings and every living creature. In the case of man, a home was provided in the spirit world and after a while people who died at ripe old age and who lived uprightly could come back in form of reincarnation. This story accounts for the proverb: “Ọvha bumhẹ lọ khio okhui ye” meaning, it is greed that causes pain and death, the result of God ascending into the sky. It is obvious from the above story that disobedience is the major cause of death. This is also the message the author of the book of Genesis tried to teach in the story of Adam and Eve as we shall see in due course.
Having accepted the reality of death, the Etsakọ now sees death as a messenger of God that beckons on the living person that time is up. In this understanding, the world is considered as a market. Human beings normally go home after trading in the market. In other words, we are traders in the world. Consequently, human beings are helpless in the face of death. “Anwai Ẹde’ ọgba” meaning “no one argues when one’s time is up”. Death is a debt that must be paid in Etsakọ traditional thoughts. In funeral ceremonies the following song is very prominent: Vha ye le re, ukpẹle egwi , ọde tọ khẹ mha, ọkhi lo otsa ni mha lo li ni mha nwema ra fa. This means “Remember that the day of death is waiting for us. It is a debt that we must pay some day.”
E.B. Idowu talking about death among the Yorubas affirms the Etsakọ understanding of dying and death. He says that “the common, orthodox belief is that Iku is a creation of Olodumare: he was made for the specific purpose of recalling any person whose time on earth is fulfilled. When they think of death as ‘dying’, then they describe it as a ‘debt’ – the debt which everyone must pay. This is as much as to say that death is the inevitable and ultimate lot of every person who comes into the world. Idowu however acknowledged that “the fact of death is a baffling and disturbing question mark written conspicuously on the face of things. Man has been forced, therefore, since he became acquainted with it, to apply his mind to the question of its origin and purpose.”
3.3.1Interment in Etsakọ
Before the 20th century, a child or a person who died while the parents were still living or died childless was called olimhi ebikha (plantain or banana leaf). Those days when a child died the corpse was wrapped with ebikhai and buried immediately in the forest. A person who died after the demise and burial of the parents was called olimhi okpisha(matured corpse).
The funeral of an old person begins at his sick bed. When the elder is sick, it is expected that the children and neighbours should always be around to give the sick a sense of community belonging. The sick is not to be left alone and lonely on the bed. It is a privilege and special blessing for children to be present to witness the death of a parent. Very often you hear parents praying for the children: Osinẹgba zẹ miẹ mhẹ vhe egwi, meaning, (May you be present to witness my death). This presence assists the dying to die peacefully. Elizabeth Kübler-Rose condemns the abandonment of the sick to a lonely bed. According to her
It has been noted that only a minority of people today die in the familiar surroundings of their homes or place of occupation. We usually automatically remove the terminally ill to the sterile atmosphere of the medical centre. Consequently, the dying patient is estranged from the emotional security of the family and the familiar at the point of greatest emotional trauma.
A corpse is called ekwi olimhi in Etsakọ. The body is highly respected and so must be buried with the utmost respect. Once a person is certified dead, the children first go to the maternal family (adi) of the deceased with a penny to tell them that their son or daughter had passed on. Today five naira takes the place of the penny. Burial in Etsakọ is in two phases, the ceremony of interment and the ceremony of the final rites of burial- Itolimhi. The former is the interment of the corpse while the latter is spiritual and involves sacrifices that open the gates of the ancestral home Alimhi’afemha and Ọgbanakido -oba za lẹ ora enwẹ - where the wood is not recognized in the ashes. The burial ceremonies depend on the age of the deceased. There are no ceremonies in the burial of the child. When a baby dies it is buried immediately without a coffin. It is covered and tied with a white cloth and taken to the cemetery (atalimhi). The youth is also buried immediately but sometimes with a coffin.
People who died after drinking amolimhi or osaki were thrown into the forest. This is the case when the death of a person is highly suspicious and people are suspected to have a hand in the death of the person, those accused where made to swear by drinking the water used in washing the body of the deceased (amolimhi). If the suspect refused to drink the water, they were given osaki to drink. Osaki was a drink produced from the bark of osaki tree, fermented in a pot and preserved in a clay pot or calabash. If the suspect drinks the osaki and vomited, the person was declared innocent but if the person did not vomit, it meant that the person was guilty and the result was immediate death. Today, the osaki is regarded by the educated Etsakọ as poison. In the past, any body that died after drinking the bath water of the dead (amolimhi) or osaki was thrown into the bush for the vultures to eat.
The burial that is being focussed on here is the burial of the aged and matured person who has done the burial rites of both parents. Those who die before their parents are not given full traditional burial rites. Before the advent of hospital mortuary, the body was preserved locally by placing a knife (ayu’wẹrẹ) or an axe blade (olẹmhi uze) on the chest while messages are sent to all the relations of the deceased. It is the belief of the Etsakọ people that the knife or the axe will prevent the fast decay of the body of the dead person. Ajayi Obotse who granted me an interview on this topic could not tell me the content of the axe (uze) knife (ayu’wẹrẹ) but he believes that the action was effective because corpses treated this way could stay for four days on the event that the first son or those they are waiting for did not arrive on time. Local gin (kaika) is also used by some people to embalm the body of the dead person. This gin was poured in the mouth of the deceased. The belief was that the dry gin would dry up the body.
In the past, there was no lying in state; the body (ekwi olimhi) was interred the same day if all the people required especially the first son was available. Before the interment, the body was washed and prepared for burial. The washing (ikhuẹ olimhi) was first done physically with water. After that the ritual “washing” commenced. Ajayi Obotse, a member of the local undertakers (ikha’gba) in Afowa, Uzairue in Etsakọ said that the first stage of the interment was the washing of the corpse (Ekwi olimhi) by the first son who used the leaves of ogheghe tree with water to touch the body seven times. If the deceased has more than a wife; the first son of each of the wives does the same. The meaning of the washing is that when the deceased was a child he was bathed with ogheghe leaves or (ebi iromo).
This can be compared to the Christian baptismal and funeral rites. The minister sprinkles the body of the deceased and say: “Let this water call to mind our baptism into Christ, who by his death and resurrection has redeemed us”. At baptism when the deceased, was a child, the minister poured water on the head of the child saying: “N., I baptize you in the name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit”. The minister also gives the child a white cloth saying: “N. you have become a new creation, and have clothed yourself in Christ See in this white garment the outward sign of your Christian dignity. With your family and friends to help you by word and example, bring that dignity unstained into the everlasting life of heaven. All say: Amen”. At death this rite is performed again. The minister places a white cloth on the coffin or casket of the dead person as a reminder of the person’s Christian dignity. Then the corpse is taken into the Church for the funeral mass. In Etsakọ, water is used to ritually cleanse the body of the dead with ogheghe leaves while in the Christian religion Holy water is used to bless the body. At baptism, water is used in the Christian religion while in Etsakọ, the water from ebiromo and ogheghe is used to cleanse the child at initiation and circumcision. This comparative aspect will be discussed exhaustively in another chapter of this book.
The next stage of ritual washing is pure sacrifice. This involves the sacrifice of a cock or hen. For a man, a cock is killed and the blood is dropped on the right hand of the dead, the right hand, (Obe era), is called obekhai, (a triumphant hand). For the woman, a hen, uwọkhọ is killed and the blood is dropped on the left hand. When the corpse leaves the room, it is placed outside and the family and well wishers “washed the corpse with money”. The money is collected by the undertakers, Ikha’gba who shares this money and also give to those who helped in watching over the corpse while lying in state. These people who also attended the corpse are called, ebere. The expression is: “vha mọ, ebere natsẹ vha lọ khọ na – take, this is your share of the effort to watch over the dead. According to J.O. Awolalu “It is believed that if a corpse is not washed in this ceremonial way, it will have no place with the ancestors and will become a wandering ghost, called iwin or iseku.
While the children are “washing” the body with money, the ikha’gba (undertakers) sings at intervals: Olimhi, ọnọ khiu ugba nẹ rẹ ye, rẹ rọ’ nọ ọya (who ever does not wash you to reach your ancestors watch the person with care). This “washing” with money is symbolic. After the “washing” the undertakers (ikha’gba) sing again: Zẹ ni ikha’gba zẹ nikha gba ne edu zẹ ni kha gba ne du olimhi. (Give to the undertakers to enable them move the corpse). Then the body is dressed and covered with a white cloth and for those who can afford a coffin; the body is put in a coffin and the procession to the grave begins. In Etsakọ, if this “washing” (ikwẹ olimhi) is not properly done the corpse bearers at a point would stop and say: olimhi ọge khia meaning the corpse has refused to proceed. To move the corpse the family again “wash” the body with money properly.
Many parts of Etsakọ have public and Church cemeteries but elders very often are buried at home. The practice is similar to that of the Yoruba as recorded by J. O. Awolalu.
In very early days, graves were dug inside the house and in particular rooms; but that practice has changed. Graves are now usually dug in the family compounds. To the Yoruba, to bury somebody in the common cemeteries is to cast him out and to lose contact with him, because regular ancestral veneration which involves pouring libations, breaking kola-nuts and praying on the grave of the deceased would not be convenient and domestic.
3.3.2. At the graveside:
The body is lowered after the traditional prayer. The coffin or rapped body is covered with a mat in remembrance of the bed the deceased slept while in the world. In some places even when the body is buried with a coffin or casket, they still covered the coffin with a mat after it had been lowered into the grave. In the past personal effects were put in the grave with the belief that the deceased may need them in heaven (Ọgbanakido). The children pour sand with the right leg, left leg, right hand and left hand. This is in remembrance of how the placenta of the deceased (akonọmọ) was buried at birth.
3.3.3.Uvughiolimhia’vhọ
This literarily means, opening the gate of the ancestral home. After the internment cannon guns are shot. The traditional status of the deceased determines the number of gun shots. Twenty one gun shots are normally given to titled men. After this ceremony the dead begins a journey to the ancestral home. There are various types of dances at this point. The children sweep the grave for seven days after this, to show that the dead is still a member of the family.
3.3.4Itolimhi
Itolimhi is called by some people second burial. For Etsakọ people this is the rite that opens the gate of the ancestral world (alimhi’afemha or ọgbanakido) to the dead. This rite also confirms the dead as an ancestor if he meets the qualifications of living a life of impeachable character. Itolimhi is also called the rite of passage. According to J.O. Awolalu, “to become an ancestor a man has to live well, die well, and leave behind good children who accord him proper funeral rites and continue to keep in touch with him by means of offerings and prayer”.
There are specific days for Itolimhi in Etsakọ. The days of the week are: Ewọ nọkhua, Ẹkhue nọkhua, Ẹvhiela nọkhua, Elumhi nọkhua, Ewọ nikeke, Ẹkhue nikeke, Evhiela nikeke, Elumhi nikeke. Itolimhi can be done immediately after the interment, that is, Uro’limhi tọ. This may be followed immediately by the rite of Uvugiolimhia’vhọ. This literarily means the opening ceremony of the rite of burial or the rite of passage. This however depends on the financial readiness of the children. If the children are not ready they can postpone it for a year or two. The time is not fixed but it is recommended that the earlier the better. When the children are ready, they meet, discuss and fix a day for the burial rites, itolmhi, which must begin either on the day of Ẹwọ nọkhua or Ewọ nikeke. All the burial rites are concluded on Ẹkhue day in Etsakọ.
3.3.5.Ishio’limhi
This is the fixing of the date for burial. This date must fall on either the day of Ẹwọ nikeke or Ẹwọ nọkhua. Ẹwọ is the resting day for the Etsakọ people. What the Sabbath is for the Jews is what Ẹwọ is for the Etsakọ. The children meet in the maternal home (adi), for this purpose. The family of the mother of the deceased are informed of the readiness of the children to bury their mother or father. The mother’s family is mainly in charge of all the burial procedures. The children present a calabash of palm wine.
3.3.6.Ifanili
This is the rite that frees the dead to proceed on the journey to the ancestral world (Alimhi’afemha). It involves the sacrifice of a goat with the following incantation: Ẹgwe ni rẹ fanili egbere lọ khọna. This literarily means: With this goat I hereby untie the ropes that tied you at your interment. The goat is shared into two parts; one part to the family while the other part goes to the children and the children now offer them money in order of seniority in the family. This rite of money offering is called igbaki. The field gun, ivanaotọ is fired to confirm the date and the day of the rites of passage, itolimhi. It is after the sacrifice of a goat which is the main itolimhi that any other animal can be slaughtered for the social ceremonies. If the children have money to buy a cow the parts that go to the maternal family, Adi are: the head, a full leg, the hoof, the liver and one kidney of the cow. With these done, the children are now free to do the burial with vigil, dances, eating, drinking and general entertainment of the public till the next day which is Ẹkhue
On the morning of Ẹkhue, the children dance round the community to greet the elderly men and women in the quarters of the Community. This is done with the rite of igbaki. This aspect of igbaki (money offering) is the rite of thanksgiving for a successful burial. This thanksgiving offering is done in order of seniority, starting from the four eldest men and four eldest women. After this, the children of the deceased and in-laws organize dances to entertain the public which may include the masquerade dance, amhi emọsi, agbi and any other interesting dance. During these dances, the children and in-laws of the deceased continue the rite of igbaki that is thanksgiving offering of money and souvenirs to people.
3.3.7.Urema miẹ
This rite is the declaration of the assets of the deceased. It consist in showing or declaring the property of the deceased. Next the properties are shared among the children and those who are entitled to have a share of the assets. This concludes the funeral rites, Itolimhi. The children select items from the property of the deceased and take them to Adi (the maternal home). The venue is normally the house of the eldest man in the adi. These items are selected depending on if the deceased is a man or a woman. For the woman it depends on if she is Ọnabọ or Adegbe. Ọnabọ is a woman bought and paid for from another village. She is a full member of the family and all her funeral rites take place in the husband’s house where she is buried. It is the children of Ọnabọ that inherit the property of the mother and father. Another name for Ọnabọ is amhọ’ọya. Adegbe or Ọriso is not bought. She is married normally with the normal bride prize. The children of Adegbe belong to the mother and the mother’s family. These children can not inherit the properties of their father.
If the children want to claim the right of the children of Amoya, the children perform a simple ceremony. This ceremony is simply to say: Ifiu udoko eramhe yọ ekpa,meaning I keep in my pocket the tools of my father. This declaration must be made with full consciousness in the presence of reliable witnesses preferably the elders and young people.
The items presented at Adi are not the same for every adi.The following is the most common: For a man, the children present twenty one ears of corn, twenty one tubers of yam, a pair of shirts, a pair of trousers, one hoe, one cutlass, one ebuma (farm bag), and the amount of money found in the pocket of the deceased. (No person can say that nothing was found since the adi will charge the person for not taking care of the parent). The first four elders share these items among themselves. The eldest man takes the clothes, ten tubers of yam, one ear of corn. From his share he now gives the other members of the adi. The money is shared among the elders according to the order of seniority. The children then take eleven ears of corn and eleven tubers of yam. Once this ceremony is done, the children are then free to inherit the parent’s property. In the past, the adi share the entire property of the deceased with the children. It is not so anymore.
For a woman who was Ọnabọ or Amhọ’ọya, the children present a packet of Ugba (locust beans), ẹmhẹ (clay pot), atasa (plate), ugbude (clay oven pot for drying meat), Umei(salt) atalabi (big basin) asuaisua (medium basin). The items presented should also remind the family of the gifts she received at marriage. In the case of a woman, the eldest women did the sharing like the men. In the case of the Adegbe or Oriso, (a woman that was not bought), when she dies, she is taken back to her family. The children present the same items like that of Ọnabọ or amhọ’ọya. After this the children shave their heads for the late parent.
The Ekperi people of Etsakọ have some variation from the above analysis which is peculiar to Uzairue, Anviawu and Weppa-Wanno. In Ekperi, Etsakọ Central Local Government, the following ceremony is performed in addition to the above exposition. The date of the second burial of the deceased is normally arranged by the mother’s family except the dead is an amhọ’ọya. (A woman bought outside the immediate community). Itolimhi can be done immediately after interment or can be done later depending on the financial readiness of the children or the relations of the deceased. The rite is as follows: The date is fixed to coincide with Uzairue Market day that is Elumhi nokhua. It is an all night celebration of dancing, eating and drinking. The ceremony concludes with a gun shot marking the beginning of the rite for warrior dance.
3.3.8. Ichiokhio – (Exocism): This ceremony is a symbol of victory over the forces of death like the witches, wizards, and all forms of evil spirits that can be agents of death. This is performed on a day called Elenekhua which in Uzairue is called Ẹwọ nokhua .The elders beat war drums from the bereaved house to the village square. With this rite the enemy is believed to be defeated in battle.
3.3.9Ugba emo olimi – This is the sharing of the property of the deceased. The properties are displayed. None movable items like houses are named. The elders in the mother’s family share the property to the children of the deceased. If the deceased is indebted to anybody, the debt is settled immediately and if any body owed the deceased, the debtor is asked to pay the money to the elders to share to the children.
3.3.10. Ide udu pia – This falls on a day called Elumhi – This ceremony is the carrying of a mock bier to the cemetery of the dead. This ends the celebrations of the final burial rites. The youngest age group, that is, the age group that recently had the manhood initiation prepared the mock coffin or bier. They cut six sticks of ọkha that is cotton tree. The sticks are tied to a palm frond with a rope. This is tied to a plantain or banana stem. They are covered with a white cloth and a mat to represent a fresh corpse. This is taken to the cemetery or a place where the deceased is buried. The children kill a goat if that was not done the day the deceased was interred. The burial drums are beaten while the children sing dirges. The whole rite ends on arrival to the house with the song: Ro owẹ gbo dẹ ẹbe ya mhẹ; meaning protect me from my enemies.
3.4A recommended funeral rite for the Etsakọ Christians.
The question of death and burial has been a major concern for the Church. The question has always been the difference between Christian burial and Etsakọ traditional burial. It is obvious today that the spiritual meaning of funerals is giving way to unnecessary show off and self aggrandisement. Some people who did not even care about the housing and feeding of their parents would want to keep the bodies in the mortuary for years and months to enable them build houses and prepare for the social aspects of the burial ceremonies. To suggest some recommendations for the Etsakọ Christian, there is need to compare the burial rites of the Jews, the Etsakọ and the Christian rites. Since this recommendation is for the Etsakọ Christians, the Christian rite will be normative but with relevance in the context of the Etsakọ burial customs.
Among the Jews, preparation for death begins when a person is very sick. He or she is surrounded by relatives and friends. Prayers are offered either for the healing or peaceful exit of the person. In Etsakọ, the patient is surrounded by the relatives and friends. An oracle is consulted to inquire the cause of the illness. The Christians call for the priest to anoint the sick. I recommend therefore that this practice should be sustained in Etsakọ with the exception of the oracle for the Etsakọ Christian. The physician should be consulted for medical care and the priest to administer the sacrament of reconciliation and anointing of the sick
When death occurs, the funeral service for the Jew is usually brief and simple. This is done in the synagogue or by the graveside. This usually includes the chanting of psalms and El Malei Rachamim. The Etsakọ gives a loud cry and invokes the ancestors. Reactions to death in Etsakọ depend on the age of the deceased. The Christian calls a priest who blesses the corpse before the body is taken to the mortuary. Here I suggest that the presence of the priest should be re-emphasized. However, I recommend that unnecessary delay of burials should be avoided in Etsakọ. The practice of preventing a bereaved widow from going to Church and hospital during the period of mourning should be stopped in Etsakọ.
Viewing the body either publicly or privately is contrary to Jewish tradition. Etsakọ and the Christian religion allow this. I suggest that viewing the body for the Etsakọ should be sustained. It has some therapeutic effects for the mourners. For the Jews, the casket is lowered into the earth and the grave filled, using a reversed shovel until a mound is formed over the casket. This is similar in Etsakọ except that a mat and some physical materials are buried with the corpse. I suggested that burying a person with mats and material objects are only symbolic and so should be eliminated from the burial rites in Etsakọ. I suggest that the Catholic Church funeral rites should be sustained and practised by Catholics in Etsakọ. The Jews recite the Kaddish at the graveside after the burial is completed. Recitation of orations and prayers should be sustained in Etsakọ. The Jews, the Etsakọ and the Christian ensure that those who were involved in the burial, wash their hands when leaving the cemetery or before entering the house of mourning. This is ideal for hygienic purposes and should be sustained in Etsakọ.
From the above brief comparison we may be right to conclude that burial is quite a simple ceremony. What complicates burial in Etsakọ is the rite of passage which is called second burial. The essence of this rite is the sacrifice of a goat. However, this ceremony is loaded with all sorts of social ceremonies that the main rite is forgotten. The Christians in Etsakọ are often entangled in these traditional rites such that they do both the traditional and Christian rite in the same burial ceremony.
I therefore recommend that the Etsakọ Christian should re-examine the essence of sacrifice in the context of the Holy Eucharist This is being attended to by the Churh in the Catholic Diocese of Auchi that covers the whole of Etsakọ. The 2006 pastoral letter of Bishop Gabriel G. Dunia, the Catholic bishop of Auchi, titled: “Let the dead rest in peace” addressed this problem. In that pastoral letter the Bishop reminded the faithful of the decree which he issued on Good Friday, the 25th of March, 2005. This decree states that: “Ecclesiastical funerals, by which the Church seeks spiritual support for the deceased, honour their bodies and at the same time brings the solace of hope to the living” (Canon 11776: $ 2), must be celebrated within two weeks in the diocese of Auchi, counting from the day when the particular death must have occurred.
This decree was informed by the abuses in funeral ceremonies. It has been observed from our enquiry in this research that a good funeral ceremony begins when the parent is still living. The Children should further be encouraged to care for their parents as this would be a good beginning for their funeral. The death of Jesus has given a very new meaning to death. The crucifixion and Jesus’ death on the cross is the consummation of the sacrifice that takes the place of animals. In this unique sacrifice, Jesus is the priest and the victim. It is based on this understanding that we propose the following rite of passage for the Etsakọ Christian.
So far we have been able to draw some similarities with the Jews. It is true that Jesus was buried according to the custom of the Jews. It follows therefore that the Church should study carefully the burial customs of the Etsakọ people for the purpose of inculturation and contextualization. The problem of burial is very serious in Etsakọ especially the sacrificial aspect. However, it is gratifying to note that recently, the goat is no longer sacrificed to any idol but simply slaughtered and shared to those who should partake in it especially members of the adi who were not disposed to attend the burial ceremonies. It is therefore hoped that this book will contribute to providing an enduring solution if not permanent to the burial puzzle of the Etsakọ Christian. I suggest that the Church should allow the social aspects of the Etsakọ burial ceremony and educate the people about the efficacy of Christ’s sacrifice as priest and victim on the Cross. The mass today is a re-enactment of this sacrifice in a bloodless manner.
We recommend strongly that the living should witness their funeral before death. How? When a person is above sixty years of age let the children perform all the ceremonies for the parent while still living and strong enough to share in the feasting of food, drink, dance and every other thing. This is already being practised in Ekperi in the festivals of Ikpeloand Ibaki. At death, the person can be interred quietly with all the attendant prayers and rituals.
The recommendation of the Holy Eucharist in place of the sacrifice of a goat is for the Etsakọ Christian alone. Etsakọ people who are strictly traditional adherents of the Etsakọ primal religion may continue with the traditional rites. We recommend however that the discrimination between the children of amhọya, adegbe and ọriso in the sharing of the property of the late parent should be abolished completely in Etsakọ. The children should be treated equally and should all be accepted as members of the father’s lineage. We also recommend that Etsakọ Christians who do not qualify for Christian funeral rites based on the fact that they could not rectify their marriages in the Church should do something fast about their conditions to join the community of Christ’s faithful before death calls. However, these people should not be neglected completely or humanly sentenced to hell. Their fate and faith is known to God alone; God who is full of mercy and compassion.
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